Thus, there is neither syntactic nor semantic evidence that hacer takes an object argument.
on this basis, we assign hacer the category (23): (23) hacer (s\np)/s : λP λx.cause P x Spanish has examples of cross-conjunct extraction in which hacer hosts clitics: This shows another instance of the schema in (1), which is undefined for any of the combinators in 3  The preceding data motivates adding D rules (we return to the distribution of the modalities below): To illustrate with example (10), one application of >D allows you and can to combine when the auxiliary is given the principled type assignment s/s, and another combines what with the result.