every x x likes y ⇒ <{ z male(z) pers(z) }, z will vote for y > In DRS (18), where the universal quantifier has wide scope over the conditional operator, the coreferential reading between every senator and he seems to be possible, just as in the case of DRS (15).
here again, we need to come up with a way to block the derivation from (16) to (18).